By Michael Cook
Why does Islam play a bigger position in modern politics than different religions? Is there anything concerning the Islamic history that makes Muslims much more likely than adherents of different faiths to invoke it of their political existence? if this is the case, what's it? historical Religions, sleek Politics seeks to respond to those questions via reading the jobs of Islam, Hinduism, and Christianity in sleek political existence, putting distinctive emphasis at the relevance—or irrelevance—of their heritages to today’s social and political concerns.
Michael prepare dinner takes an in-depth, comparative examine political identification, social values, attitudes to struggle, perspectives concerning the function of faith in numerous cultural domain names, and conceptions of the polity. In these kind of fields he reveals that the Islamic history bargains richer assets for these engaged in present politics than both the Hindu or the Christian heritages. He makes use of this discovering to give an explanation for the truth that, regardless of the lifestyles of Hindu and Christian opposite numbers to a few points of Islamism, the phenomenon as an entire is exclusive on the planet this day. The ebook additionally exhibits that fundamentalism—in the feel of a decision to come back to the unique assets of the religion—is politically extra adaptive for Muslims than it's for Hindus or Christians.
A sweeping comparative research via one of many world’s top students of premodern Islam, historical Religions, sleek Politics sheds very important mild at the dating among the foundational texts of those 3 nice non secular traditions and the politics in their fans this day.
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Extra resources for Ancient Religions, Modern Politics: The Islamic Case in Comparative Perspective
136 How often did such things happen in the Muslim world? Again, they were not unheard of. 142 As in Morocco there was a view that such sales deed of sale in which a mother named Sāvitrī—the name is obviously Hindu—sells her six-year-old daughter for three rupees for want of food (Slavery, 15–16). 132 S. Guha, “Slavery, society,” 167–68. 133 R. Sreenivasan, “Drudges, dancing girls,” 140. 134 Harper, Slavery, 410–11. M. Jones, Later Roman Empire, 853–54. For instances from North Africa in Roman and Vandal times, see Mitteis, Reichsrecht und Volksrecht, 362, cited in I.
2, with a summary at 83–84. ” 98 Harvey, Muslims in Spain, 35, 37, 250–51; Lemercier-Quelquejay, “Missions orthodoxes,” 378–79, 380. 99 Harvey, Muslims in Spain, 14; Lemercier-Quelquejay, “Missions orthodoxes,” 389. 107 But in each instance the overall failure was far more conspicuous. The Tatar Muslims went on to play their part in the modern history of Islam. The Moriscos did not, but as late as 1690–1691 a Moroccan ambassador in Madrid was visited repeatedly by Christians whose ancestors had been Muslims and who felt close to him for that reason.
This story is interesting from a number of points of view. First, there is an asymmetry about the identity politics described here. The Arabs put forward a claim on the basis of Arab ethnicity, but the non-Arabs do not impute to themselves any particular ethnic identity or make any claim on that basis, and their rejection of the Arab claim is expressed in terms of the wider public interest, just as it was Islam at large that the non-Arab rulers of earlier centuries had saved. Thus even in an empire ruled by non-Arabs, Arab ethnic identity seems to mean more than that of the rulers.