By Joshua D. Freilich
Freilich makes an attempt to figure out why a few states have better degrees of defense force job than others. concentrating on the years 1994-1995, he unearths that cultural factors—not fiscal conditions--are relating to degrees of military comparable job. specifically, states with decrease degrees of girl empowerment and better degrees of paramilitary tradition have been prone to have extra armed forces teams. Conversely, neither financial dislocation/social disorganization nor fiscal prosperity/social integration have been regarding the variety of military teams at the country point. those findings recommend that courses looking to preempt defense force formation via offering monetary help will now not prevail. as an alternative, such courses needs to confront cultural concerns in addition.
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What the right wing is fighting, in the shadow of 48 American Militias Communism, is essentially “modernity”.... and what it seeks to defend is its fading dominance” (12; see also Bell 1962: 31; Broyles 1964; Forster and Epstein 1964; Hofstadter 1963: 51-58; 62-64; Parsons 1955: 182-183; 191-192; Viereck 1955; 1962). Perhaps the most influential status theory is offered by Lipset and Raab (1970) in their book “The Politics of Unreason” which examines extremist right-wing groups and social movements in America from 1790 to 1970.
23 24 American Militias The Michigan Militia, founded in April 1994 by a group of close to thirty armed individuals, was the first known contemporary militia organization in the state of Michigan. The group chose as its leaders two devout Christians; Norman Olson (a Vietnam War veteran) and Ray Southwell. Interestingly, Olson was the Baptist minister of a local church congregation, and Southwell was a deacon at the same church. Olson recalled in an interview, that the group had its first meeting “in the woodsabout 28 of us- and [we] talked about the need to secure the constitutional rights of the people of this nation” (Downes and Foster 1994: 13).
Many other studies on the extreme right have found similar results. For instance, Bjorgo (1995), who focused on worldwide violent activists among the radical right, Hamm (1993) who studied American skinheads, Kraft (1992) who examined the John Birch Society, Smith (1994) who reviewed the demographics of indicted right-wing terrorists in America in the 1980s, Watts (2001) who inspected hate crimes and right-wing violence and Germany, and Weinberg (1993) who analyzed the demographics of fifty-five prominent radical rightist leaders, all found males to be over represented (see also Ezekiel 1995; Hamm 1997; Kimmel and Ferber 1999; Tapia 2000; but see Burkett 1998; Homsher 2001).