By Charlotte Brooks
Among the early 1900s and the overdue Fifties, the attitudes of white Californians towards their Asian American buddies advanced from outright hostility to relative popularity. Charlotte Brooks examines this alteration during the lens of California’s city housing markets, arguing that the perceived foreignness of Asian american citizens, which before everything stranded them in segregated components, finally facilitated their integration into neighborhoods that confounded different minorities.Against the backdrop of chilly conflict efforts to win Asian hearts and minds, whites who observed little distinction among Asians and Asian americans more and more recommended the latter group’s entry to middle-class existence and the residential components that went with it. yet as they reworked Asian american citizens right into a “model minority,” whites purposefully neglected the lengthy backstory of chinese language and eastern american citizens’ early and principally failed makes an attempt to take part in private and non-private housing courses. As Brooks tells this multifaceted tale, she attracts on a large variety of resources in a number of languages, giving voice to an array of group leaders, newshounds, activists, and homeowners—and insightfully conveying the complexity of racialized housing in a multiracial society.
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Additional info for Alien Neighbors, Foreign Friends: Asian Americans, Housing, and the Transformation of Urban California (Historical Studies of Urban America)
It reflected the racial aspirations of southern and eastern European immigrants and poorer native whites in the wake of World War I and the Great 30 Chapter One Migration of blacks to the North. 56 These factors were largely absent in San Francisco. Wartime anti-immigrant rhetoric and postwar Red-baiting of unions played poorly in the city, with its pro-labor and pro-European immigrant traditions. And the tiny trickle of African Americans who arrived in San Francisco in the 1910s could not sustain the kind of black institutions and business districts found in Northern cities with far larger African American populations.
By the late 1920s, hundreds of these young citizens filled the streets and schools of Chinatown. Chinatown: America’s First Segregated Neighborhood 25 The growth of Chinatown’s population strained the resources of the community, the boundaries of which scarcely budged after 1880. In the late 1900s and 1910s, Chinatown’s white landlords rebuilt the earthquake-damaged community to maximize their profits, dividing most of the new structures into one-room cells for “bachelor” workers. These “bachelors”—many of whom had wives and families in China—disliked the tiny rooms, but they were relatively affordable, especially when several men chipped in to rent one together.
Still, in the 1910s and 1920s a growing number of Chinatown couples gave birth to children in San Francisco. S. S. citizens. By the late 1920s, hundreds of these young citizens filled the streets and schools of Chinatown. Chinatown: America’s First Segregated Neighborhood 25 The growth of Chinatown’s population strained the resources of the community, the boundaries of which scarcely budged after 1880. In the late 1900s and 1910s, Chinatown’s white landlords rebuilt the earthquake-damaged community to maximize their profits, dividing most of the new structures into one-room cells for “bachelor” workers.