By M. A. Mohamed Salih Ph.D. (eds.)

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In this case, it is necessary to look beyond mere averages. Although the average per capita gross national income in African democracies appears to be higher than in Asian democracies, the finding may be skewed significantly by the inclusion of five African democracies with incomes over $5,000 (Botswana, Gabon, Mauritius, Namibia, and South Africa) versus only one Asian country (South Korea). The second hypothesis, on the effect of developing countries’ structural position in the world-system, tends to get support that is less straightforward.

39. 40. 41. A. MOHAMED SALIH Lord Hailey Report 1979. Mazrui and Tidy 1984: 85. Salih 2001. Salih 2003. Ibid. Duverger 1958. See, for example, Clapham 1982; Van Donge 1995a; Salih 2003. Salih 2001. Ibid. Salih 2003. Ibid. Freund 1984: 246–247. Mwakyembe 1995: 51. Kjekshus 1974a; Hindess 1983. Bynton and Kim 1975: 17. Examples of this include the heated parliamentary debates such as Malawi land policy (Jan. 2002), South Africa land policy (Nov. 2003), Mozambique energy and transport sectors privatization (2004), among others.

A. MOHAMED SALIH The chapters of this volume reveal some general trends of African parliamentary development, the relationship between parliaments and government and its implications for the current debate on parliament’s role in the governance debate. These developments cannot be isolated from the broader economic and political structures that inform the evolution of African parliaments and their conjuncture with the current democratic development. ” 36 It also borrows from Ostrom37 the notion that democratic governance is about how institutional frameworks are organized to achieve democratic ideals and how institutions are constituted and changed within the processes they define.

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